Violence Against Women in Iran (1979–2025): Statistics and Trends H. Soleimani ۱۴۰۴/۰۵/۲۱ An overview of violence against women in Iran since the 1979 revolution, drawing on research and human rights reporting to examine sexual violence, femicide and so-called honour killings, their reported prevalence, patterns and the lack of reliable official data. H. Soleimani – Since the 1979 revolution, violence against women in Iran has continued in various forms—domestic, social and state violence. However, precise official statistics have often been limited or concealed, and many incidents go unreported. National research and human rights reports indicate that a high proportion of Iranian women have experienced some form of violence at least once in their lives. For example, a national study in 2004 found that around 66% of married women in Iran had experienced violence by their husbands at least once (30% physical violence, 10% sexual violence and the rest other forms). In addition, according to a 2018 report by Social Emergency Services (the State Welfare Organisation), around 49% of Iranian women had experienced physical violence, 26% emotional or psychological violence, and 22% social or economic violence. These figures point to the widespread nature of violence against women. The following sections present documented, disaggregated statistics on different forms of violence against women in Iran over the past 46 years (1979–2025). Rape (sexual violence) There are no precise official statistics on rape in Iran, and figures are rarely published. Because of cultural taboos and the limited protection offered to victims by law, more than 80% of rape cases are never reported at all. Even the Legal Medicine Organisation releases only limited information about people who seek its help in rape cases. Nevertheless, some research data shed light on the scale of the problem: Reported rate in Tehran: Saeed Madani, a sociologist, has said that around 1,650 reported sexual offences are registered annually in Tehran province. He stresses, however, that this is only a small part of the reality, since around 80% of rapes in Iran are never made public. Taking this under-reporting into account, the actual number of rapes could be several times higher than the official figure. Lack of protection and historical record: There is little documentation of rape from the first decades after the revolution. Reports to the United Nations indicate that, in the 1980s, security interrogators even used the rape of female prisoners as a tool of repression, and that the practice was so widespread that Ayatollah Montazeri protested to Khomeini in a letter in 1986. Nevertheless, no public figures are available on the number of victims during that period. In more recent years, aside from scattered news reports—for example, cases of gang rape in some cities—no consolidated annual data have been published. Greater awareness and disclosure: In recent years, with the emergence of movements such as #MeToo, many women have spoken about their experiences of harassment and rape, revealing the prevalence of sexual violence. A 2020 report confirmed that social media had filled with accounts of rape and sexual harassment, and that several well-known figures had been named. These disclosures also prompted a wave of public support for victims. However, in the absence of official figures, the precise scale of rape in Iran remains unclear. Note: Existing research points to a significant prevalence of sexual abuse, including among children. Assessments indicate that the incidence of sexual abuse and rape in schools in some areas has been “very high and alarming”. We do not have figures because many people remain silent or do not inform the legal authorities. Therefore, experts generally believe that official figures—such as the approximately 1,650 cases reported annually in Tehran—are only the tip of the iceberg, and that no precise estimate of the number of rape victims in Iran is available. Domestic killings and ‘femicide’ (honour killings) The killing of women by family members or men close to them—including cases commonly described as honour killings—is a shocking aspect of gender-based violence in Iran. Although no official statistics were published for years, research and press reports have provided valuable information: Historical annual average: According to academic research conducted before 2021, an estimated 375 to 450 women and girls were killed in Iran each year, with honour-related issues or domestic violence behind many of these killings. This high figure indicated that provinces such as Kurdistan, Khuzestan, Ilam and Sistan and Baluchestan had higher rates of these killings. An upward trend in recent years: According to recent reports, femicide has been increasing. Figures compiled by the ‘Stop Honour Killings’ campaign show that at least 186 honour killings were reported in the Iranian media in 2023. Radio Farda’s review also found that from the start of 2024 to mid-February, at least 133 women had been killed by family members—an average of one woman murdered every two days. This high frequency represents an increase compared with previous decades; a comparison of figures from the two most recent periods confirms that the killing of women has risen. For example, at least 134 women were killed by family members in 2024, whereas a total of 165 women were victims of femicide over the two-year period from June 2021 to June 2023. This comparison points to an intensification of this form of violence. Frequency and distribution: Media reports indicate that these killings take place throughout the country, in large and small cities alike. According to a Shargh Network report, at least 85 women and girls were killed by their husbands, fathers, brothers or other men close to them during the first three months of the years 2022 to 2024. In addition, published reports indicate that at least 35 honour killings took place between the beginning of March and the end of June 2023—a period of three months. These figures suggest that roughly every four days a woman falls victim to domestic violence. Bear in mind that these are only the cases reported in the media; human rights sources emphasise that the actual number is higher because many femicides are concealed. Motives and patterns: According to an investigative report by the campaign mentioned above, the most commonly stated motives for honour killings were “suspicion of illicit relationships” and “family disputes”. In 2023, around 30% of the killings were reported as being solely due to suspicion—that a woman was involved with another man—and 31% were labelled “family disputes”. The latter phrase is commonly used by official media to present the honour-related nature of a killing as a private matter. Other stated reasons included seeking a divorce, rejecting a suitor, forced marriage, coming home late, and similar circumstances. Perpetrator’s relationship to the victim: Studies confirm that the men closest to women in their own families pose the greatest danger to them. According to 2023 figures, around 43% of femicides were committed by a husband or ex-husband, and 16% by a father. A further 8% were committed by a fiancé or boyfriend, and around 7% by the victim’s brothers. The remaining cases involved other male relatives, including fathers-in-law, uncles, maternal uncles, suitors and even sons. This bitter reality shows that, for many women, the home and family—supposed to be the safest refuge—have themselves become places of deadly violence. As the campaign’s report puts it, in Iran “almost every two days, at least one woman or girl is killed by someone in her own home”. Weak laws and impunity for killers: Iran’s laws provide no effective deterrent in this area. Under Article 630 of the Islamic Penal Code, if a man sees his wife committing adultery and kills her, he does not face a severe punishment. A father is also exempt from retribution for killing his child. These legal loopholes have created a degree of impunity or reduced punishment for honour killers, and serve as an incentive. Reports show that many femicide cases in provinces such as Khuzestan have not resulted in a complaint or the killer’s conviction at all, or have been closed following a complaint after the victim’s next of kin agreed to a settlement. The failure to give final approval to the bill to protect women from violence remains a problem; it has been stalled since 2013. A human rights campaign’s report presents the motives behind registered honour killings in 2023: suspicion and the broadly defined category of “family disputes” together account for half the cases, while other factors, such as a request for divorce or refusal of a marriage proposal, rank lower. Motives behind honour killings registered in Iran in 2023 (based on a report by the Stop Honour Killings campaign) Sexual harassment in society and the workplace Sexual harassment in public places and at work has also been widely reported. Although, until recently, Iranian law had no explicit definition of sexual harassment, field evidence and surveys reveal the high prevalence of this form of violence: Police statistics (street harassment): In the only official announcement by the Law Enforcement Force on this subject, it was stated that the number of reported cases of street harassment of women in the country had almost doubled over the course of a year, rising from 70,000 to 142,000. This statistic, announced on national television in 2017 and never repeated, points to the scale of street harassment. The recorded 98% increase that year reflected the worrying growth of this phenomenon. Surveys and research: The results of a 2022 study showed that, in Iran, eight out of every ten people had experienced some form of verbal or physical harassment in public places. This harassment occurs most often in crowded public spaces, such as public transport, terminals, shopping centres and workplaces. A public survey also found that 76% of the women questioned said they had experienced catcalling, while 83% of women had been deliberately jostled or touched without consent at least once. These figures are very high and indicate how commonplace street harassment is in the everyday lives of Iranian women. By comparison, only 10–23% of women in European countries reported experiencing street harassment in the previous year, whereas the figure reported in Iran was around 80%. Workplace harassment: According to a report on the situation of women journalists, 65% had experienced verbal harassment and 3% had experienced physical assault (unwanted touching) at work. This shows that sexual harassment is not confined to the street, but also takes place in the workplace and professional settings. Victims’ silence, out of fear for their reputation or because there is no complaints mechanism, often allows perpetrators to go unpunished. Cultural factors and society’s response: Research confirms that men are responsible for the bulk of this harassment. One study found that men who catcalled outnumbered women who did so by ten to one, and men who committed physical harassment outnumbered women by more than fifteen to one. This points to the deep roots of patriarchal culture. Even so, in recent years women’s tolerance has diminished, and many have complained on social media about the increase in harassment. Experts also believe that society’s indifference towards harassers—for example, men who witness harassment in the street but do not intervene—contributes to the spread of this behaviour. Lack of effective criminalisation: Until the recent law on women’s security was passed, street harassment was not a separate criminal offence. As a result, many women who had been harassed did not go to the police. Even after the police announcement in 2017, no systematic follow-up was evident. Fortunately, after years of delay, the bill to protect women’s security was passed by parliament in late 2023, providing a definition that makes street and sexual harassment criminal offences. Proper implementation of this law could help reduce harassment over the long term, although it is still too early to assess its impact. According to an open-data survey by IranOpenData in 2022, 80% of respondents had experienced catcalling or unwanted touching. (Verbal catcalling, deliberate jostling, and so on.) Most women reported having experienced at least one form of street harassment. Psychological violence and other specific cases Psychological violence—verbal and emotional abuse, as well as psychological threats—is considered the most common form of domestic violence in Iran. Various studies have shown that a very large proportion of women experience verbal insults, humiliation, control and other forms of psychological abuse during their lives. For example, a meta-analysis of research conducted in Iran found that emotional and psychological violence, at around 52%, was the most prevalent form of violence against married women; physical violence followed at 37%, and social violence (restrictions) at 34%. This is consistent with Social Emergency Service statistics, which stated that 26% of women subjected to violence had experienced psychological and verbal abuse. A judicial official also stated in recent years that 66% of violence against women in Iran is psychological in nature (while only around 10% of violence recorded in the statistics was sexual). It is worth noting that cases of psychological abuse rarely reach the legal authorities unless accompanied by physical violence. Nevertheless, the Legal Medicine Organisation has recently begun recording visits by people alleging psychological abuse. According to the Statistical Centre of Iran’s report for 2020, that year saw 182 forensic examinations of people alleging psychological spousal abuse, 94% of them involving women (only 10 of the 182 complainants were men). This figure is very low compared with the 80,187 examinations relating to physical spousal abuse, in which 96% of the victims were women. In other words, most women who experience psychological violence suffer in silence, and legal action is not pursued unless the abuse escalates to beatings and physical injury. Specific cases: Other forms of gender-based violence have also been reported, but statistics on them are scattered. These include acid attacks on women—particularly the series of attacks in Isfahan in 2014, with around four officially recorded cases; trafficking and forced prostitution of women, which has made Iran one of the source countries for human trafficking (according to reports, women make up more than half of trafficking victims in Iran); and child marriage, which is itself a form of structural violence (around 30,000 marriages of girls under 15 are registered each year). Each of these areas warrants a separate, detailed report. In short, psychological violence and other less visible forms of violence are widespread and remain hidden, because the law and culture have not given them sufficient importance. Executions of women (in connection with gender-based violence or self-defence) Iran is one of the few countries that still carries out executions on a widespread scale, and women have accounted for a significant number of those executed. Although the number of women executed is far lower than the number of men, the gendered dimensions of the death penalty are highly significant. According to a report by Iran Human Rights, at least 241 women were executed in Iran between 2010 and 2024. Most were women convicted of premeditated murder or drug-related offences. (Political executions of women—particularly during the 1980s—are counted separately, and it is estimated that tens of thousands of women have been executed for ideological and political reasons over the past 46 years; these are outside the scope of this discussion.) Overall trend: On average, around 15 women are executed in Iran each year. However, this average has risen in recent years. In 2024, 31 women were executed, the highest annual figure in 17 years. By comparison, in earlier years the number of women executed was usually between 10 and 20 a year. The increase in executions of women in 2024 was probably linked to the crackdown following the “Woman, Life, Freedom” protests, as well as the overall rise in executions across the country. Alleged offences: According to the report cited above, among women executed between 2010 and 2024, around 47% had been convicted of murder and 44% of drug offences (the remainder faced security-related charges such as moharebeh or espionage). This indicates that most women at risk of execution had committed murder or been involved in drug trafficking. The important point, however, is that many of these women were themselves victims of dire and violent circumstances that drove them towards crime. Killing in self-defence: Human rights sources stress that a significant proportion of women executed on murder charges had in fact killed their male spouse or partner, often after enduring severe domestic violence for years. According to Iran International, in recent years 70% of women executed for murder had been accused of killing their husband or romantic partner. Many of these women have described being beaten, insulted and even tortured by their husbands during their marriages, and having no way to divorce and escape. In a letter written about these women by Golrokh Iraee, a political prisoner, she says: “Most of them, after years of enduring a troubled life filled with violence, and because divorce from their husbands was not possible … killed their husbands either when an opportunity arose or according to a prior plan. They believed that if their repeated requests for divorce had been considered, they would never have committed the crime.” Unfortunately, Iran’s judicial system rarely takes a woman’s self-defence or history of abuse into account when reducing a sentence. As a result, women who have suffered violence and were driven to kill face almost the same severity of punishment as an ordinary murderer. Other cases: Some women have also been executed for drug-related offences; many came from poor communities and deprived regions, such as Sistan and Baluchestan province. Reports indicate that some of these women became involved in trafficking under pressure from their husbands or families, or committed offences without being aware of what they were doing. Yet the law has not taken these circumstances into account or granted any reduction in sentence. In addition, several women political prisoners, including Varisheh Moradi and Pakhshan Azizi, are still on death row. In 2022 and 2023, at least 41 women also faced final death sentences that may be carried out in the future. Overall figures: Based on available records, close to 200 women have been executed in Iran for non-political offences since 2007, the majority victims of domestic violence or social inequalities. No other country in the world has executed this many women. Over the 46 years of the Islamic Republic’s rule, thousands of women have also been executed for political or non-political offences. This reality reveals the scale of gender apartheid in Iran’s judicial system. As the director of Iran Human Rights says: “The execution of women in Iran not only exposes the cruel dimensions of the death penalty, but also lays bare the depth of gender discrimination within the judicial system.” The international community and human rights organisations have repeatedly protested this situation and called for fair standards to be upheld, particularly in cases involving women’s legitimate self-defence. Summary and statistical sources Taken together, the available data—however incomplete—paint a troubling picture of 46 years of violence against women in Iran. Half of Iranian women have experienced physical violence during their lives, and almost all have experienced some form of psychological or social violence. Harassment and sexual abuse in the streets have become an everyday occurrence for most women. Domestic violence claims the lives of hundreds of women each year—a phenomenon that has not abated, but has instead been on the rise. The law’s response to this violence has often been inadequate: the bill to protect women languished for years, while existing laws have in practice left perpetrators free to act, particularly in so-called honour killings. In statistical terms, the lack of official transparency is a major obstacle. Much of the data has been collected by independent researchers, the media or human rights organisations. For example, Iran’s Statistics Centre recently published some data on spousal abuse, confirming that the victims are predominantly women (more than 95%). Forensic medicine reports also indicate that nearly 80,000 assaulted women visit forensic medicine centres for examinations each year. Non-governmental organisations such as Amnesty International, Iran Human Rights, HRANA and domestic campaigns such as Stop Honour Killings have played an important role in documenting this violence. Examples of sources include: Iran’s Statistics Centre and the Legal Medicine Organisation: A report by the Statistics Centre from 2020, published in 2021, provided a breakdown by sex of examinations related to physical and psychological spousal abuse. The Legal Medicine Organisation also occasionally publishes annual figures on altercations and child abuse, showing that women make up a significant proportion of those injured in altercations (for example, 19% in the first half of 2021). Academic studies: Numerous dissertations and sociological studies have addressed violence against women. For example, the sociologist Shahla Ezazi estimated that between 75% and 98% of women in Tehran had experienced street harassment. A study at the University of Tehran in 2004 reported a domestic violence prevalence rate of 66%. Numerous meta-analyses have also brought together the findings of scattered studies to provide a national picture. Human rights reports: Organisations such as Amnesty International and the United Nations have referred to the situation of violence against women in Iran in their periodic reports. The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Iran has repeatedly condemned discriminatory laws, such as the failure to criminalise domestic violence. Amnesty International has also documented cases including acid attacks, so-called honour killings and the unjust executions of women, such as the case of Reyhaneh Jabbari. Iranian organisations such as HRANA also publish annual reports. For instance, in its 2024 report, HRANA reported that 883 people were executed during that calendar year, 31 of them women. Domestic media: Some domestic media outlets have also courageously addressed these issues in recent years. Newspapers such as Shargh, Etemad and Hamshahri, and news websites such as ISNA and Asr-e Iran, have published statistics and analysis on violence against women. For example, Etemad Online ran a report headlined “A woman is killed in Iran every four days” and presented data to support the claim. Although pressure sometimes forces media outlets to backtrack, discussion of domestic violence and the need to pass a law protecting women is now taking place in the press. In conclusion, it must be emphasised that the statistics presented are minimum estimates. Officials themselves acknowledge that, owing to the traditional fabric of Iranian society, many acts of violence are never reported. Our figures and charts therefore show only part of the reality. Even so, this information reveals the turbulent and painful 46-year trajectory of violence against women: from the hidden rapes in prisons in the 1980s to the acid attacks of the 2010s; from ongoing so-called honour killings across the country to the execution of women who were victims of violence. It is hoped that, through the efforts of researchers and civil society activists, and the passage of protective laws, this trend will change over the coming decade and the rate of violence against women in Iran will decline. Sources and references: This report was prepared with reference to a range of sources, including official statistics from the Statistical Centre of Iran and the Legal Medicine Organisation; academic research (such as the Ministry of the Interior’s 2004 research and studies by the Iranian Sociological Association); reports by international and domestic human rights organisations (the 2024 report by Iran Human Rights, reports by the Stop Honour Killings campaign, Amnesty International and HRANA); and articles in reputable media outlets (Shargh, Hamshahri, Asr-e Iran, Radio Farda, Euronews, BBC Persian, and others). Source: https://srouzbeh.com/en/posts/archive-f20daac7-82ad-f97e-9f17-0220520ad165 Please credit the author and link to this edition.